Vice: How did you end up in Afghanistan?
Chris Cole: I originally went to Afghanistan to do research for my postgraduate thesis in social anthropology on the effectiveness of the governance strategy being employed by the UN there. When I arrived it quickly became apparent that the security and political climates were changing so rapidly as to make my research plan completely unrealistic. I soon found a position working with the UN Development Program, which supports the Afghani government’s reconstruction efforts.
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Just for a little bit of scale, how would you describe the size of the area of Afghanistan that you covered while you were there?
I managed to get to nearly all of Afghanistan’s main regions, though typically on short, hectic monitoring missions that didn’t allow much time for exploring. The country is about the size of Texas and beyond the main ring road, which connects Kabul to the country’s other main cities—Kandahar, Heart, and Mazar-i-Sharif—the transportation infrastructure is poor. Traveling to remote provinces in winter often means many long days of driving on dangerous frozen roads in insecure areas.
Were people friendly toward you?
Westerners who are not especially familiar with the history and social dynamics at work in Afghanistan tend to think that most Afghans are anti-American or Islamic extremists.
The plain fact is that a very slim minority of the Afghan population—likely less than 1 percent—even tacitly sympathizes with the views of the Islamist Jihadis who make up the insurgency. Those families in Southern Afghanistan who allow insurgents to sleep in their homes and eat their food nearly always do so out of fear for their lives and because they cannot rely on NATO and Coalition troops to protect them. They don’t have some principle hostility toward Westerners or the Western way of life. While I was in the country I never felt as though I was the subject of any direct hostility. Afghans have a reputation for their hospitality that they live up to in my experience.
Recent reports suggest it’s comprised of roughly 20,000 armed men, many of whom have come from Pakistan or elsewhere in the Islamic world. Their operations are concentrated in Afghanistan’s South along the Pashtun tribal belt, which straddles the border with Pakistan and encompasses some very mountainous terrain. Though “Taliban” is perhaps a wanting label for what is actually a diverse group of individuals with varying interests, constantly in flux, it began as a predominantly Pashtun Islamist fundamentalist movement in and around the religious schools of Peshawar and Quetta in Pakistan and Kandahar in Afghanistan.
You previously talked about how in most of the areas you visited people were inhospitable to the Taliban? Can you elaborate on that a little bit?
Afghanistan is a patchwork of different ethnic groups—Pashtun, Tajik, Uzbek, Turkmen, Hazara, etc, each of which groups has historically occupied a different part of the country. Pashtuns are the dominant ethnic group in the South and this is where the insurgency is most active. By contrast, across much of Northern Afghanistan, where Tajiks, Uzkbeks, and Turkmens dominate, there has been little violence since the 2001 invasion. People in these areas have a much easier time keeping extremist influence at bay in their districts since Pashtun-speaking people from the South are easily distinguishable from the local population.
You were essentially in Afghanistan to assess whether or not the foreign-led efforts at reconstruction are working—how do you think it’s going?
It’s complicated. The foreign presence is improving people’s lives even though a lot of things are being screwed up in the process. According to the UN, infant mortality has decreased since the US invaded in 2001 and also the number of girls in school has increased measurably. However, frequent suicide bombings and consistent instability along the Southeastern border with Pakistan’s Federally Administered Tribal Areas are a reminder that there is still a war going on. And when our military forces accidentally kill thousands of civilians per year in bombing raids across Southern Afghanistan, it doesn’t go unnoticed by the public. Neither the occupying NATO and Coalition military forces, let alone the Afghan National Army, has a credible monopoly on the use of force in the country, a basic precondition for sustained and equitable socioeconomic development.
So sounds like not quite so hot.
Well, having said all that, I think it’s important to point out that there’s no single force that’s driving this whole operation in Afghanistan. It can’t be denied that some NATO and Coalition actions seriously threaten the legitimacy of the peace building effort. But then, a recent Gallup poll found that better than 70 percent of Afghans would like foreign military forces to stay “for as long as it takes to defeat the Taliban and consolidate a democratic peace.”
That seems sort of weird considering that, if you consider the Taliban an outside force to a large part of the country, they’ve been dealing with some foreign army or another for the past three decades. Is there any built-up resentment at Russia for kicking off this sort of ongoing international gangbang?
I found that in general, Afghans do not have a negative opinion of Russians. It sort of surprised me because they were responsible for some really atrocious war crimes in Afghanistan, such as dropping candy bombs which entice children into picking them up and then having their limbs blown off. That was basically a strategy to force parents to stay home and care for wounded children so they couldn’t go out and fight. It seems bizarre that the Afghans would have a positive opinion of them, but I think it is because they look back to the 70s and early 80s and see that as a period of calm under the Communist regime. People said they felt like life was best then and things have degenerated a lot since then. Certainly the legacy of the Soviets is there for everyone to see in what amounts to a lost generation of men executed or maimed by mines and indiscriminate Soviet bombardment in the air and ground assaults. So yeah, kind of weird.
Mere
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